[fse-esf] Re: [esfeast] Far left to control Hungarian Social
Forum (aussi en francais)
Benyik Matyas
mbenyik at freemail.hu
Fri Jun 1 09:43:39 CEST 2007
Just the answer!
Time and tide wait for no man (not even for Endre Simó). Cooperation with the right-wing forces is a deadend street.
Matyas Benyik
----- Original Message -----
From: Simó Endre
To: fse-esf ; esfeast at yahoogroups.com ; ceesf at yahoogroups.com
Sent: Friday, June 01, 2007 9:29 AM
Subject: Re: [fse-esf] Re: [esfeast] Far left to control Hungarian Social Forum (aussi en francais)
Just a question!
Did Judith Dellheim authorized Mr. Matyas Benyik to make use of her opinion expressed one month ago on an other theme, also in relation of our standing of "Far left to control the Hungarian Social Forum"? If not, I do not understand what is occuring here? Do we want to accept the rule of "every tool is good" for achieving our aims, suggested to us from Mr. Benyik, tryíing to use us like as his personal tools and puppets?
endre
Benyik Matyas írta:
Dear Friends,
Herebelow I am sending you Judith Dellheim's e-mail dated of 24.04.2007. about Endre Simo's cooperation with the Hungarian right-wing forces. It is self-explanatory, I think.
Best regards,
Matyas Benyik
Dear Endre, dear Friends,
I promise that this mail is the last in this matter. A political debate as a ping pong between two persons is not useful.
Endre, you mix the question about a human right with the question about political alliances. Health as a human right is not any reason for a political alliance with all who now say: "Health is a human right". Because "who" is very concrete. And the enemy of my enemy is not my friend in all cases.
When the neoliberals destroy the healthcare system and/or discriminate social and/or ethnic groups in health care I have to organise protest and to say "Health is a human right". But I don't do that in a political alliance with political forces who don't respect human rights. And of course, if these right political forces cry "health is a human right", I cannot wait for something explaining "they cry my slogan". I must fight for human rights because I'm left and when I wouldn't do anything I wouldn't be really left but increase the influence of the right wing. But I repeat: I cannot fight for human rights together with an enemy of human rights.
Excuse me, but your sentences "Correct principles cannot impede the concrete action for the defense of the Social Rights .... We are fighting against the liberalisation of the public services since the very beginning of the ESF process, and nobody has never denied the necessity of our fight with the pretext of 'populism'. Populism is not alimented by our fight for the Right for Health!" are dogmatic because the question is: "Can I act together with my extreme right enemy against my neoliberal enemy?". No, I cannot and I don't do it and I'm active in fighting for health as a human right.
I regreat your position and if you would act in an alliance with my extreme right enemy we won't go along a common way.
Judith Dellheim
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Von: esfeast at yahoogroups.com
Gesendet: 24.04.07 08:40:15
An: esfeast at yahoogroups.com
Betreff: [esfeast] Re: Unity of action for Health in Hungary
Dear Judith,
Correct principles cannot impede the concrete action for the defense of the Social Rights. If they are doing so, there is something wrong with the principles, not with the necessary defense of the rights for Health. We are fighting against the liberalisation of the public services since the very beginning of the ESF process, and nobody has never denied the necessity of our fight with the pretext of "populism". Populism is not alimented by our fight for the Right for Health! Bringing grist on the mills of the right and far right is the ultra liberal policy of the hungarian ruling coalition of Socialists and Free Democrats, not the fight against this policy. (What kind of ideology is allowing this confusion?) The unity of action we have developed with other democratic forces is oriented to preserve the solidarity security system against the liberalisation of the public service of Health. If you refuse this unity, you accept the philosophy of "nothing to do", and by this you risk to justify the privatisation of the healthcare system itself. Our goal is not that, but the contrary of that. Why should we renounce to the joining of forces for defending the solidarity system? Why should we think that only left has the legitimacy to defend the right for health? Why should we think that many many working people following centrist and rightist political forces are not be interested
in the defense of their existing rights? Why should we think, that the "ideological pureness" is more important than the defense of such an elementary human right?
Endre Simó
Judith Dellheim írta:
Dear Endre, dear Friends,
I think that also the hungarian situation doesn't allow any cooperation with the right wing political forces. Of course, the right populists and the extreme right use real social problems of many people - even or especially of the poor - to strengthen their political influence. I can see it very near to my concrete living and working places and every day.
Of course, this additionally increases the great challenge for the left to organise social resistance, political protest and fights for alternatives. When we organise demonstrations and actions against the ruling policy the fascists and their helpers try to participate. We don't tolerate this. In this case less participants are more. And in some parliaments where the neofascists could get seats they bring our rejected motions into the parliaments. Our fractions don't vote for their own motions.
This is not a question about tactical steps, but about a principle. And this principle is important not only in Estern Germany.
All people not at least the social excluded must be able to see that the left wing are ready to help them but they do it in a consequent rejection of all right populisms, nationalism and neofascist policy.
Best regards
Judith Dellheim
--------------------------------------------------------
Von: esfeast at yahoogroups.com
Gesendet: 22.04.07 20:39:28
An: esfeast at yahoogroups.com
Betreff: [esfeast] Fwd: Re: [fse-esf] RLS-workshop
---------- Eredeti üzenet ----------
a.. Dátum: 2007. ápr. 22. Vasárnap 10:18:29
b.. Feladó: Simó Endre <drsimoendre at freemail.hu>
c.. Címzett: Judith Dellheim <judith.dellheim at web.de>
d.. Másolat: fse-esf at lists.fse-esf.org
e.. Tárgy: Re: [fse-esf] RLS-workshop
f.. Melléklet:
Dear Judith,
Your opinion is based on the misunderstanding of the hungarian situation: the liberalisation of the Solidarity principled Social Security System in Hungary is wanted by the left: by the Socialists and their allied at the government and outside the government. Those defending the Solidarity Security System against the privatisation, and wanting the suppression of the actually exsting law on Health, are our civic organisations, trade unions, centrist and rigthwing democratic groups and forces in opposition. This is the specificity of the hungarian situation. Of course, leftist can proudly refuse the unity of action with other democrats in the name of the "ideology", but the result of this refusal will be the liberalisation of the health system and the exclusion from the healthcare of about half a million of people in Hungary. You can choose between ideology and life. We are choosing the defense of the life and the rights related with.
Endre
Judith Dellheim írta:
Dear Friends,
Of course, "Health is ... a question of human right to life. Health is health for all people, independently from their political affiliations." But it is impossible fighting together with right wing political forces for a human right what they don't respect.The right wing would be the only winners from the dangerous attempt fighting for a human right together with an enemy of human rights. Such an attemt would only increase their political influense and play their danger down.
I want to invite to an international workshop about health policy of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation in Berlin on 12 and 13 May. The conference languages are Englisch and German. Interested people are pleased to answer immediatly. We have only very limited possibilities for reimbursing.
Best regards
Judith Dellheim
“Capitalism is unhealthy - even for capitalists" is the guiding principle behind the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation’s educational activities on “public health”. Ernst Bloch’s perceptive remark makes clear that the issue here is changing society, because many people in today's society do not feel well. A prerequisite for individual well-being is not to be unhealthy. This leads to the question of how to help the sick and what needs to be done to actively combat the causes of illness.
This also involves exploring issues of social policy hegemony; here change is inextricably linked with individual learning processes. Autonomous change, which should bring social coexistence and well-being for all, is part of political struggle and social processes. Well thought-out strategies are required for success in this struggle and, in particular, social policy strategies to change society.
How can a European health movement supported at a local, communal, regional and country level come about and be politically effective, when health policy is predominantly a national (and only partially an EU/ European) responsibility? Creating, networking and supporting health policy movement(s) would boost the organisation of the health system and social policy along democratic lines. It’s a matter of providing different solutions for how resources are used, by whom, with what goals, and with what consequences for sustainable social and environmental development.
This is why progress for the European health movement is all the more urgent and beneficial since, as well as shared problems locally, in communes, regions, EU Member States and European countries, there are also current EU/European projects and views on the problems which affect everyone and require joint action. Particularly relevant common problems at a communal, regional and national level are:
- the official neo-liberal reorganisation of the health system justified by limited resources, the challenges of demographic change and globalisation, and sustainable public finances - a reorganisation in which responsibility is mainly delegated to individuals, communes and regions, without creating the corresponding conditions to make this work;
- individuals and expanding social groups without health insurance, the correlation between poverty and social exclusion, as well as health problems which are highly concentrated in ethnic groups;
- health problems related to unemployment, more flexible and insecure working conditions, environmental damage, individual lifestyles - i.e. related to the neo-liberal transformation of society.
European governments and EU institutions have certainly also noticed these problems, but have mainly dealt with them in terms of rising costs and of quality of human resources, harming their ability to overcome the “challenges of globalisation and demographic change”.
Practical plans for 2007 on the agenda for governments and the EU are directly connected, to a greater or lesser extent, such as:
- the European Commission’s communication “A strategy for social services of general interest”;
- the legislative proposal to introduce a joint area for reliable and effective health services;
- the social policy strategy white paper.
Health ministers are also increasingly recognising that a very wide range of policies affect human health, in addition to actual health policies. Ministers have paid particular attention to the experiences of France in this area and agreed on the concept of "Health in all policy areas". They see contradictions between the short-term maximum use of capital, human resources, social cohesion and keeping society in good shape, as well as the costs resulting from neglected social and environmental demands.
However, these contradictions can only benefit the population if citizens stand up in solidarity for their interests - for their healthcare. Only if they become involved in issues which affect the health of their children and the socially vulnerable - and thus their own lives and social coexistence. Only if the health system, social policy and health policy are organised along democratic lines.
Please see the proposal for the workshop. Please pay attention to the figures in the brackets and to the discussion paper below.
12th May 2007
10.00 am: Welcome and opening of the workshop
10.10 am: Sharing information, relevant “grass-roots” health policy activities
since December 2005 and projects currently underway (1)
12.30 pm: Lunch
1.30 pm: Important health policy projects in the EU and GUE/NL activities
in the European Parliament
2.00 pm: Questions and debate
2.30 pm: Main areas of REDS/PHM work (2)
3.00 pm: Questions and debate
3.30 pm: Coffee break
4.00 pm: Discussion of the 11 points set out below (3)
6.00 pm: End of the 1st day of discussion
13th May 2007
9.30 am: Continuation of discussions from the previous day
10.00 am: Conclusions from the 1st day of discussion
11.30 am: Coffee break
Midday: Plans for social forums, especially the ESF 2008 (4)
1.30 pm: End of the workshop
Please look at the figures in the brackets
(1) About which more concrete matter do you want to speak?
(2) Who wants to speak about what?
(3) Would you like to tell me which point is especially interesting for you? About which problem do you want to speak more concrete?
(4) In this connection I want to attract your attention to the formulation in the present “Project for a Charter of Principles for Another Europe”
“Health is a right
- The health-care system must be public, free and available to all. It must respect the
physical and psychological integrity of citizens and the health-care personnel.
- All medical personnel and citizens must be involved in the institutions that manage the health system. The institutions must in particular give priority to the active participation of citizens in managing the health-care system.”
Is it enough or what should we do develop some more concrete positions?
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----- Original Message -----
From: Simó Endre
To: fse-esf ; esfeast at yahoogroups.com
Sent: Monday, May 28, 2007 7:34 AM
Subject: [esfeast] Far left to control Hungarian Social Forum (aussi en francais)
En FRANCAIS and in ENGLISH
Avec un clair effort de prendre le controle politique du Forum Social Hongrois et dâ019imposer lâ019hégémonie idéologique de lâ019extreme gauche á la majorité des organisations non marxistes composant le forum, M. Matyas Benyik et son groupe ont présenté dimanche 20 mai 2007 un projet intitulé â01EMode dâ019organisation et de fonctionnement du Forum Social Hongroisâ01D. Le projet a été préparé par un â01Egroupe de travailâ01D non identifié excluant la large majorité des acteurs du mouvement, en les mettant contre des faits accomplis. Selon lâ019information du meme Benyik, le texte sera approuvé le 9 juin au Club Kossuth de Budapest. A ma demande de qui composaient le â01Egroupe de travailâ01D élaborant le reglement organisatif et de fonctionnement du FSH, il mâ019a répondu par ecrite: â01Eseulement des personnes de gaucheâ01D, et non pas â01Ele groupe de Simoâ01D.
Lâ019esprit exclusionniste caracterisant lâ019élaboration du texte laisse prévoir la voie que ses auteurs proposent aux gens et a la société. Les stalinistes hongrois ont du fait des le debut écarté la politique dâ019alliances démocratiques en vue de dépasser le capitalisme néolibéral et de faire prévaloir des droits humains et sociaux aussi dans les conditions existant, parmi lequels celui de la santé. Des le debut de la fondation en 2002 du Forum Social Hongrois, ils refusent de coopérer avec dâ019autres gens non de gauche luttant pour les memes objectifs que la gauche, et meme avec des gens de gauche dâ019esprit démocratique, antistaliniste. Aux yeux de lâ019extreme gauche ces gens-lá sont des simples â01Edroitistes, des alliés de lâ019extreme droite, des fascistesâ01D. (Un abime se creuse entre leur mots de propagande sur la â01Edémocratieâ01D et leurs actes politiques réels contre les libertés démocratiques.) Ils essayent de resuciter des cendres le passé echoué dans les pays de lâ019Est. Dans ce cadre ils ont essayé dâ019exproprier il y a deux ans le Forum Social Hongrois en créant une Fondation du Forum Social Hongrois, et excluant de lâ019Attac et de la Fondation aussi des communistes et dâ019autres gens de gauche antistaliniens, non sectaires et non dogmatiques. Apres notre conférence nationale du 13 mai a Budapest contre la liberalisation du systeme de protection sociale, á laquelle ils avaient une fois de plus refusé de participer, M. Benyik et son groupe ont â01Ejustifiéâ01D leur refus en vous disant que notre coopération avec dâ019autres forces démocratiques devait etre interpretée comme â01Eune coopération avec lâ019extreme droiteâ01D.
Le composant du Forum Social Hongrois que je représente rejette le projet dâ019institutionalisation de lâ019espace de coopération libre et ouvert que le FSH représente, présenté par M. Benyik et son groupe. Cette initiative de lâ019extreme gauche hongroise est une caricature de lâ019esprit de la Charte de Porto Alegre et va contre la réalisation de ses objectifs de liberté et dâ019émancipation. Le groupe stalinien a besoin du mouvement social, car il est emarginé et faible, sans base sociale. Câ019est la raison pour laquelle ils font semblant dâ019accepter les Principes, mais en réalité il lui contredisent dans lâ019essence. En parole ils â01Eacceptentâ01D par exemple lâ019idée de lâ019espace ouvert, mais ils soulignent â01Ele caractere fondamentalment de gaucheâ01D du forum. En parole ils â01Eacceptentâ01D lâ019idée que le FSH nâ019est pas une organisation, mais ils proposent un â01Ecomité dâ019organisationâ01D composé par sept membres elus par une Assemblée, composée par les organisations invitées et selectionnées par le groupe dâ019organisation meme. En théorie ils refusent la participation au mouvement des partis politiques, mais en réalité ils acceptent le leadership du Parti Ouvrier 2006 liés au Parti Socialiste Ouvrier Hongrois, qui a dirigé le pays jusquâ019á lâ019écroulement du socialisme en Hongrie. Il sâ019agit donc dâ019une claire tentative dâ019institutionalisation du mouvement selon les regles du parti unique. De notre part, nous reconfirmons la validité de la Charte des Principes du FSM et nous continuons notre travail dans lâ019esprit de la Charte. Nous ne suivons pas la politique de lâ019auto isolation de lâ019extreme gauche. Nous luttons pour des resultats concrets sur le plan social en rejetant au meme temps sectarisme et opportunisme, car ces buts ne peuvent etre atteints quâ019en coopérant et en unité dâ019action avec dâ019autres forces sociales démocratiques. Nous restons un espace de debat et de coopération libre et ouvert que nous etions toujours depuis le debut du processus que jâ019avais personnellement mis en route en Hongrie en 2002 (excusez-moi la référence personnelle), apres notre decision prise a Porto Alegre de creer le Forum Social Européen at de jeter la base du Forum Hongrois et formulé sa Charte, comme partie du processus mondial et européen. La Charte de Porto Alegre â013 contrairement aux efforts et au projet de lâ019extreme gauche hongroise - nâ019exclue personne du mouvement. Lâ019esprit de la Charte est inclusif, et par cela favorisant la composition de forces sociales dâ019idéologie differente, lâ019épanouissement dâ019alliances démocratiques, et une vraie dinamique multiforme, qui sont indispensables pour atteindre la liberté humaine et sociale prévue dans la Charte. A notre avis la tentative de detournement du Forum Social Hongrois de cette finalité ne rend service quâ019aux interets de ceux qui ne veulent pas changer la réalité néolibérale existant. +++
27 mai 2007 Endre Simó
With a clear attempt to take the political control over the Hungarian Social Forum and impose a far leftist ideological hegemony to the big non marxist majority of the social organisations composing it, the president of Attac-Hungary, Matyas Benyik and his group has presented on Sunday 20th May 2007 a draft by the title â01EHow to organize and operate the Hungarian Social Forumâ01D. The draft has been prepared by a non identified â01Eworking groupâ01D excluding the participation of the very large majority of the movement actors, by the manner of a â01Efait accompliâ01D and â013 at the information of the same Benyik it would be approved on 9th June in a meeting in Budapest Kossuth Klub organized by them. When I asked to Mr. Benyik, who were the members of the working group, I was answerd by him: â01Eonly leftwing peopleâ01D, not the â01ESimoâ019s groupâ01D.
The exclusionist spirit caracterising the elaboration of the draft is showing the future this restricted goup is proposing to the people and the Society. Hungarian stalinists have since the very beginning excluded in fact the necessity of the large democratic alliances for overcoming the neoliberal capitalism and implementing human and social rights, like as Health, and they have refused the co-operation with non leftist people fighting for the same goals, considering them â01Erightists, far rightists, fascistsâ01D. (Ther is a big gap between their propagandistical words of â01EDemocracyâ01Dand their real political steps against the Rights of Freedom.) They have tried to expropriate the HSF two years ago, by creating the Foundation of the Hungarian Social Forum, and excluding from Attac and their Foundation. also communists and other people of left, but anti-stalinists, no sectarians, no dogmatics. After our national conference of 13th May in Budapest against the liberalisation of the Health Insurance system, in which they once more refused to participate, Mr. Benyik and his group has â01Ejustifiedâ01D their refusal, by defining our co-operation with other democratic forces as a â01Eco-operation with far rightâ01D.
The movement component I am representing rejects the draft for the insitutionalization of the Hungarian Social Forum as a free and open space of co-operation, presented by Mr. Benyik and his group. The initiative of hungarian far left is a cartoon of the spirit of Porto Alegre Charter and it is going against the implementation of its goals of freedom and emancipation. The stalinist group needs the social movement, because he is emarginated and weake, without social basis. This is the reason why they are making believing to accept the Principles of Porto Alegre by contradicting these principles in substance. By word they accept for exemple the idea of the â01Eopen spaceâ01D, but at the same time they emphesize the â01Efundamental caracter of leftâ01D of the Forum. In theory they accept the idea, that HSF is not an organisation, but they propose an â01Eorganizing committeeâ01D composed by seven members elected by an Assembly of organisations invited and selected by the organizing committee itself. Verbally they reject the participation at the Forum of political parties, but in practice they accept the leadership of Workers Party 2006 linked with Hungarian Socialist Workers Party, the former political force leading until the collapsing of Socialism in Hungary (both insignificant, without presence in the National Assembly). It is a clear attempt of institutionalization of the movement in the spirit of the rules of the one party system. >From our side, we reconfirm the original force of the Charter of Principles of WSF and we follow our activity in the spirit of the Charter. We doâ019nt follow the self-isolation policy of far left. We want to achieve concrete results, eg. To hinder the privatisation of the social insurance system. Because of this we reject both sectarism and opportunism, impeding the joining of forces indispensable to achieve these goals. We remain the free and open space of debate and co-operation, as we were since the very beginning of the process I have put on route in Hungary in 2002 and formulated its Charter (excuse me my personal reference), after the decision taken in Porto Alegre to fund the European Social Forum, and the hungarian one as part of the worldwide and european process. The Charter of Porto Alegre â013 on the contrary of the efforts and projects of the hungarian far left - does not exclude from the movement anybody. The Charter is inspired by an inclusive philosophy, promoving by this the joining of social forces of different ideology, the enlargement of democratic alliances, and a real multiform dynamic necessaries for achieving the Human and Social Freedom, as the Charterâ019s aim. At our opinion the attempt to divert the Hungarian Social Forum from this goal is only helping the interests of those who do not want to change the exsiting neoliberal reality. +++
27 May 2007 Endre Simó
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